The murder of Stephen Lawrence in an unprovoked, racist attack 20 years ago has had a profound and lasting impact on attitudes to race in Britain and triggered change across the public sector.
But the police, whose investigation into Stephen's death was found to have been marred by professional incompetence, institutional racism and a failure of leadership, have struggled to keep up with that pace of change.
It took more than five years of campaigning by Stephen's parents, Doreen and Neville, before the home secretary, Jack Straw, announced in July 1997 a judicial inquiry by Sir William Macpherson into the police investigation into their son's death. When it was finally published nearly two years later, amidst an atmosphere of leaks, high court injunctions and open hostility amongst some sections of the police it was feared that, like the Scarman report into the Brixton riots in the early 1980s, it would be left to gather dust.
But more than a decade later Macpherson can rightly claim to have led to an overhaul of Britain's race relations legislation which created the strongest battery of anti-discrimination powers to be found in western Europe.
Straw, who can rightly claim the credit for the Macpherson inquiry, said at the time he hoped it would prove "a watershed in attitudes towards racism. I want it to act as a catalyst for permanent and irrevocable change, not just across our public services, but across the whole of society...We must make equality a reality."
Straw has recently claimed that the report has played a key part in a "deep-seated cultural change" towards race in Britain: "The pervasive, open racism of the fifties and sixties, the pernicious, sniggering racism of the seventies, eighties and nineties is gone. For that we have to thank Doreen and Neville Lawrence, above all others."
But as Straw himself is also quick to acknowledge there is still a long way to go – with serious allegations of continued racist behaviour by the police a persistent and ugly feature of the criminal justice system.
There are still too few black people in leading roles in Cameron's Britain. Politicians are fond of pointing out that there are now four times as many black and Asian MPs in the Commons now as they were in 1993. But that is still only halfway there at 28 or 4% of the 650 total number of MPs at a time when Britain's minority ethnic groups make up 9% of the population. While one British Asian woman does now sits around the Cabinet table every Tuesday, Parliament remains overwhelmingly the preserve of white, middle-class men.
The political momentum behind the drive for racial equality has been lost. Some complain that the recent official focus on disability discrimination and gay and lesbian equality has been at the expense of the anti-racism drive.
The Macpherson report made 70 recommendations – 67 of which had led to specific changes in practice or the law within two years of its publication. They included the introduction of detailed targets for the recruitment, retention and promotion of black and Asian officers. The creation of the Independent Police Complaints Commission with the power to appoint its own investigators. The abolition of the "double jeopardy rule" – that nobody could be tried for the same crime twice – eventually led to the conviction of Gary Dobson and David Norris for Stephen's murder at the Old Bailey in January 2012.
The new definition of a racial incident has obliged the police to investigate every incident that the victim believes to be racially motivated and heavier penalties means the courts recognise that crimes motivated purely by hatred are different. The extension of such 'hate crimes' to cover attacks motivated by somebody's religion, sexuality, disability or gender has also increased public confidence in the willingness of the police to tackle this kind of crime.
Macpherson's most controversial finding was his use of the term "institutional racism" which he explained as the "collective failure of an organisation to provide a professional service … through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people".
Its impact was electric and it was initially disowned by then Metropolitan police commissioner, Sir Paul Condon, who wrongly took it to mean that every officer in his force was being branded a racist. He later accepted a redrawn definition making it clearer that it was racist outcome rather than racial motivation that was the issue. But the myth had been born and down the years every right-wing columnist has used it to condemn any form of anti-racism as political correctness, preferably 'gone mad'.
For some Met police officers, their anger at Macpherson remains as strong as ever as was recently demonstrated by the newly elected police and crime commissioner for Surrey, Kevin Hurley, who is a former Met commander. Justifying his distinct lack of interest in diversity recruitment targets, he dismissed Macpherson earlier this year as suffering "post-colonial guilt".
It was Macpherson's insistence that the full force of the 1976 Race Relations Act should be brought to bear not only on the police but across the whole of the public sector. It is not realised now but until the 2000 Race Relations (Amendment) Act, the police and many other public bodies including the immigration service, were exempt from the race relations legislation. The new legislation extended protection of the law to the victims of discrimination by public bodies for the first time. It made clear that discrimination could take place indirectly as well as directly. It also placed a general duty on public bodies to promote equality of opportunity and good race relations.
The move triggered a self-examination of recruitment, retention and promotion policies across Britain not just in the public sector but in major private sector employers as well as it became a major benchmark for newly emerging human resources departments and their rapidly developing diversity policies.
Macpherson's report undoubtedly shook the police out of their complacency but it seems that their progress in tackling these issues has been far more patchy than the rest of Britain.
For the police, the Lawrence case has fundamentally changed the way they investigate murders and support the families of murder victims with the appointment of family liaison officers. Despite that, Doreen Lawrence has said too many officers still assume that black victims of violence are themselves involved in criminal activity.
The police also struggled to get anywhere near their Home Office target of matching the ethnic make-up of England and Wales by employing 7% of their officers from black and minority ethnic groups by 2009.
Progress has undoubtedly been made since 1993 when the proportion of minority ethnic officers was stuck at only 2%. By December 2008 the figure had reached just over 4%. The target has since been abandoned and the latest numbers for 2012 show that the proportion has reached 5%. That is a total of only 6,664 officers out of 134,101 officers across England and Wales and some officers still complain about specialist squads where black or Asian people are said not to fit.
So the police are a little nearer to meeting Straw's aspiration their ranks should one day reflect the communities they serve. But while police numbers grew from 2% to 5% the general minority ethnic population has grown from 7% to 9% so the gap remains substantial.
Meanwhile some of the newly elected police and crime commissioners have talked of their hopes of seeing a more representative service but few if any have set actual diversity targets for their force. The evidence also mounts up that black and Asian officers are less likely to get promoted and more likely to face disciplinary action.
No wonder Sir Peter Fahy, the Greater Manchester chief constable, has said that legislation allowing positive discrimination is going to be needed to end the embarrassing lack of black and brown people at the top of British policing.
Recent polling by Britain Thinks for British Future confirms a majority of the public believe there is less racial prejudice now than there was in 1993. But it also shows there remains a clear lack of confidence in policing amongst the black and Asian communities with only 35% thinking it is generally fairer today.
Perhaps the most important police activity is stop and search which has been described as "the central historical flashpoint" in relations between black people and the police.
In 1993 when Stephen Lawrence was murdered a black person was five times more likely to be stopped and searched on the street under section one powers in the 1984 Police and Criminal Evidence Act. The latest numbers compiled 14 years after the Macpherson inquiry reported show that black people are now seven times more likely to be stopped and searched than white. In London, the gap is actually getting worse. with 52% of all stops involving black and minority ethnic people -f ar in excess of their proportion in the populationThis problem of the disproportionate treatment of minority ethnic people runs right through the criminal justice system all the way to the prison cell - albeit in less stark terms. As last year's "Reading the Riots" research showed stop and search remains a major problem.
The British Future poll said that nearly 60% of the public believe the police response to such cases is now quicker, fairer and less racist. The police say that much has changed over the past decade and there is now a firm desire throughout policing, especially within its leadership, to tackle racism more robustly. Doreen Lawrence says that determination has yet to be shared by every constable on the beat. That is the limit of Stephen Lawrence's legacy.
"Stephen Lawrence" redirects here. For other people named Stephen Lawrence, see Stephen Lawrence (disambiguation).
Stephen Lawrence (13 September 1974 – 22 April 1993) was a Black British man from Plumstead, south east London, who was murdered in a racially motivated attack while waiting for a bus in Well Hall, Eltham on the evening of 22 April 1993. The case became a cause célèbre and one of the highest profile racial killings in UK history; its fallout included profound cultural changes to attitudes on racism and the police, and to the law and police practice, and the partial revocation of double jeopardy laws, before two of the perpetrators were convicted almost 20 years later in 2012.
After the initial investigation, five suspects were arrested but not convicted. It was suggested during the course of that investigation that the murder was racially motivated and that Lawrence was killed because he was black, and that the handling of the case by the police and Crown Prosecution Service was affected by issues of race. A public inquiry was held in 1998, headed by Sir William Macpherson, that examined the original Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) investigation and concluded that the force was institutionally racist. It also recommended that the double jeopardy rule should be abrogated in murder cases to allow a retrial upon new and compelling evidence; this became law in 2005 with the passage of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. The publication in 1999 of the resulting Macpherson Report has been called 'one of the most important moments in the modern history of criminal justice in Britain'.Jack Straw, Home Secretary from 1997 to 2001, commented in 2012 that ordering the inquiry was "the single most important decision I made as Home Secretary". In 2010 the case was described as being "one of the highest-profile unsolved racially-motivated murders".
On 18 May 2011, following a cold case review, it was announced that two of the original suspects, Gary Dobson and David Norris, were to stand trial for the murder in the light of "new and substantial evidence" becoming available. At the same time it was disclosed that Dobson's original acquittal had been quashed by the Court of Appeal, allowing a retrial to take place. Such an appeal had only become possible following the 2005 change in the law, although Dobson was not the first person to be retried for murder as a result. On 3 January 2012, Dobson and Norris were found guilty of Lawrence's murder; the pair were juveniles at the time of the crime and were sentenced to detention at Her Majesty's pleasure, equivalent to a life sentence for an adult, with minimum terms of 15 years 2 months and 14 years 3 months respectively for what the judge described as a "terrible and evil crime".
In the years after Dobson and Norris were sentenced, the case again regained prominence when concerns of corrupt police conduct during the original case handling surfaced in the media. Such claims had surfaced before, and been investigated in 2006, but were reignited in 2013 when a former undercover police officer stated in an interview that at the time, he had been pressured to find ways to "smear" and discredit the victim's family, to mute and deter public campaigning for better police responses to the case. Although further inquiries in 2012 by both Scotland Yard and the Independent Police Complaints Commission had ruled that there was no basis for further investigation, Home SecretaryTheresa May ordered an independent inquiry into undercover policing and corruption by a prominent QC, which was described as "devastating" when published in 2014. An inquiry into whether members of the police force shielded the alleged killers was set up in October 2015.
Stephen Lawrence was born on 13 September 1974 to Jamaican parents who had emigrated to the UK in the 1960s. His father was Neville Lawrence, a carpenter, and his mother was Doreen, a special needs teacher. Brought up in Plumstead, South-East London, he was the eldest of three children, Stuart (born 1976) and Georgina (born 1982). During his teenage years, Lawrence excelled in running, competing for the local Cambridge Harriers athletics club, and appeared as an extra in Denzel Washington's film For Queen and Country. At the time of his death he was studying technology and physics at the Blackheath Bluecoat School and English language and literature at Woolwich College, and was hoping to become an architect.
Lawrence had spent the day of Thursday 22 April 1993 at Blackheath Bluecoat School. After school, he went to Lewisham to look around shops. After this, he travelled by bus to an uncle's house in Grove Park. He was joined there by Duwayne Brooks, and they played video games until leaving at around 10:00 pm. After realising that the 286 bus on which they were travelling would get them home late, they decided to change for either bus routes 161 or 122 on Well Hall Road.
Lawrence and Brooks arrived at the bus stop on Well Hall Road at 10:25 pm.
Lawrence walked along Well Hall Road to the junction of Dickson Road to see if he could see a bus coming and then went back towards the bus stop. Brooks was still on Well Hall Road, part way between Dickson Road and the roundabout with Rochester Way and Westhorne Avenue.
At this point, Brooks saw a group of five or six white youths crossing over Rochester Way on the opposite side of the street near the area of the zebra crossing moving towards them.
At or just after 10:38 pm, he called out to ask whether Lawrence saw the bus coming. Brooks claimed that he heard one of Lawrence's assailants saying: "What, what, nigger?" as they all quickly crossed the road and "engulfed" Lawrence, who was forced down and then received two stab wounds to a depth of about 5 inches (13 cm) on both sides of the front of his body, in the right collarbone and left shoulder. Both of the stab wounds severed axillary arteries before penetrating a lung. As a result, Lawrence lost all feeling in his right arm and his breathing was constricted, while he was losing blood from four major blood vessels. Brooks began running, and shouted for Lawrence to run to escape with him. While the attackers disappeared down Dickson Road, they both ran in the direction of Shooters Hill, though Lawrence collapsed and bled to death after running 130 yards (120 m).
It is surprising that he managed to get 130 yards with all the injuries he had, but also the fact that the deep penetrating wound of the right side caused the upper lobe to partially collapse his lung. It is therefore a testimony to Stephen's physical fitness that he was able to run the distance he did before collapsing.
— Richard Shepherd (pathologist), Macpherson Report
Brooks ran to call an ambulance while an off-duty police officer stopped his car and covered Lawrence with a blanket. Lawrence was taken to Brook General Hospital by 11:05 pm, but he was already dead. Lawrence was murdered only nine months after another victim, an Asian boy, Rohit Duggal, was stabbed to death in Eltham in an unprovoked racial attack.
All three witnesses at the bus stop at the time of the attack said in statements that the attack was sudden and short; none was later able to identify any of the suspects. In the days following Lawrence's murder, several residents came forward to provide names of suspects and an anonymous note was also left on a police car windscreen and in a telephone box naming a local gang as the five main suspects. The suspects were Gary Dobson, brothers Neil and Jamie Acourt, Luke Knight and David Norris. In February 1999, officers investigating the handling of the initial inquiry revealed that a woman who might have been a vital witness had telephoned detectives three times within the first few days after the killing, and appealed for her to contact them again. The five suspects were previously involved in racist knife attacks around the Eltham area. Four weeks before Lawrence's death, Dobson and Neil Acourt were involved in the racist attack of a black teenager, Kevin London, whom they verbally abused and attempted to stab. Neil's brother Jamie was accused of stabbing teenagers Darren Witham in May 1992 and Darren Giles in 1994, causing Giles to have a heart attack. The stabbing attacks of Gurdeep Bhangal and Stacey Benefield, which both occurred in March 1993, in Eltham, were also linked to Neil and Jamie Acourt, David Norris and Gary Dobson.
Initial investigations, arrests and prosecutions
Within three days of the crime, prime suspects had been identified. No arrests were made, however, until over two weeks after the killing. Detective Superintendent Brian Weeden, the officer who had been leading the murder investigation from its third day, and who would ultimately lead the murder squad for 14 months, explained to an incredulous public inquiry in 1998 that part of the reason no arrests had taken place by the fourth day after the killing (Monday 26 April) was that he had not known the law allowed arrest upon reasonable suspicion – a basic point of criminal law.
On 7 May 1993, the Acourt brothers and Dobson were arrested. Norris turned himself in to police and was likewise arrested three days later. Knight was arrested on 3 June. Neil Acourt, picked out at an identity parade, and Luke Knight were charged with murder on 13 May and 23 June 1993 respectively, but the charges were dropped on 29 July 1993, the Crown Prosecution Service citing insufficient evidence.
An internal review was opened in August 1993 by the Metropolitan Police. On 16 April 1994, the Crown Prosecution Service stated they did not have sufficient evidence for murder charges against anyone else, despite a belief by the Lawrence family that new evidence had been found.
In April 1994, Lawrence's family initiated a private prosecution against the initial two suspects and three others: Jamie Acourt, Gary Dobson and David Norris. The family were not entitled to legal aid and a fighting fund was established to pay for the analysis of forensic evidence and the cost of tracing and re-interviewing witnesses. The family were represented by counsel Michael Mansfield QC, Martin Soorjoo and Margo Boye who worked pro bono. The charges against Jamie Acourt and David Norris were dropped before the trial for lack of evidence. On 23 April 1996, the three remaining suspects were acquitted of murder by a jury at the Central Criminal Court, after the trial judge, the Honourable Mr Justice Curtis, ruled that the identification evidence given by Duwayne Brooks was unreliable. The Macpherson report endorsed the judgement, stating that "Mr Justice Curtis could [have] properly reach[ed] only one conclusion" and that "[t]here simply was no satisfactory evidence available".
Subsequent events (1994–2010)
An inquest into the death of Lawrence was held in February 1997. The five suspects refused to answer any questions, claiming privilege against self-incrimination. The inquest concluded on 13 February 1997, with the jury returning a verdict after 30 minutes' deliberation of unlawful killing "in a completely unprovoked racist attack by five white youths"; this finding went beyond the bounds of their instructions. On 14 February 1997, the Daily Mail newspaper labelled all five suspects "murderers". The headline read, "Murderers: The Mail accuses these men of killing. If we are wrong, let them sue us." Underneath this headline appeared pictures of the five suspects: Dobson, Neil and Jamie Acourt, Knight, and Norris. None of the men ever sued for defamation and strong public opinions rose against the accused and the police who handled the case.
In July 1997 an inquiry was ordered by the Home Secretary to identify matters related to the killing, known as the Macpherson Report, which was completed in February 1999 (see below). In 2002, David Norris and Neil Acourt were convicted and jailed for racially aggravated harassment after an incident involving a plain-clothes black police officer.
In 2005 the law changed. As part of the findings on the Lawrence case, the Macpherson Report had recommended that double jeopardy (the ancient common law that once acquitted an accused person could not be tried for the same crime a second time) should be abrogated in murder cases, and that it should be possible to subject an acquitted murder suspect to a second trial if "fresh and viable" new evidence later came to light. The Law Commission later added its support to this in its report "Double Jeopardy and Prosecution Appeals" (2001). A parallel report into the criminal justice system by Lord Justice Auld, a past senior presiding judge for England and Wales, had also commenced in 1999 and was published as the Auld Report 6 months after the Law Commission report. It opined that the Law Commission had been unduly cautious by limiting the scope to murder and that "the exceptions should [...] extend to other grave offences punishable with life and/or long terms of imprisonment as Parliament might specify."
These recommendations were implemented within the Criminal Justice Act 2003, and this provision came into force in April 2005. It opened murder and certain other serious crimes (including manslaughter, kidnapping, rape, armed robbery, and some drug crimes) to a second prosecution, regardless of when committed, with two conditions – the retrial must be approved by the Director of Public Prosecutions, and the Court of Appeal must agree to quash the original acquittal because of new and compelling evidence.
Between the Lawrence murder and early 2010 Dobson was arrested or charged a number of times for offences such as theft and burglary. Some of these charges were dropped, at least one resulted in a small fine. None led to imprisonment. On 27 July 2006, the Daily Mail repeated its famous "Murderers" front page. In July 2010, Gary Dobson was jailed for five years for possessing and supplying 49 kg of class B drugs with a street value of around £350,000 (approximately US$550,000). At the time of Dobson's sentencing for drug dealing, The Independent described the Lawrence killing – despite it having happened more than 17 years previously – as "one of the highest-profile unsolved racially motivated murders".
Cold case review and new evidence
In June 2006, a cold case review commenced, involving a full re-examination of the forensic evidence. Initially this was held in secrecy and not publicised; however, in November 2007, police confirmed they were investigating new scientific evidence.
The most important of the new evidence comprised:
- A microscopic (0.5 x 0.25 mm) stain of Lawrence's blood in Dobson's jacket. It had dried into the fibres and its tiny size implied this had happened very quickly. The forensic analysis concluded it had not been transferred there from elsewhere as dried blood or later soaked into the fabric, but was deposited fresh, and would have dried almost immediately after being deposited due to its microscopic size.
- Fibres from Lawrence's clothing, and hairs with a 99.9% chance of coming from Lawrence, found on the two men's clothes from the time or in the evidence bag holding them. (The defence later argued unsuccessfully at trial that these were present due to contamination or lack of care of evidence).
The police unit manager involved in the matter commented that the new evidence was only found because of scientific developments and developments in forensic approaches that had taken place since 1996 which allowed microscopic blood stains and hair fragments to be analysed for DNA and other microscopic evidence to be found and used forensically.
Gary Dobson and David Norris were arrested and charged without publicity on 8 September 2010 and on 23 October 2010 the Director of Public Prosecutions, Keir StarmerQC, applied to the Court of Appeal for Dobson's original acquittal to be quashed. Dobson was in prison at the time for drug dealing. Norris had not been previously acquitted, so no application was necessary in his case. For legal reasons – to protect the investigation and ensure a fair hearing – reporting restrictions were put in place at the commencement of these proceedings; the arrests and subsequent developments were not publicly reported at the time.
Dobson's acquittal was quashed following a two-day hearing on 11 and 12 April 2011, enabling his retrial. On 18 May 2011, the Court of Appeal handed down its judgment and the reporting restrictions were partially lifted. It was announced by the Crown Prosecution Service that the two would face trial for Lawrence's murder in light of "new and substantial evidence". The judgment of the court stated that "[i]f reliable, the new scientific evidence would place Dobson in very close proximity indeed to Stephen Lawrence at the moment of and in the immediate aftermath of the attack, proximity, moreover, for which no innocent explanation can be discerned". The ruling also emphasised that this was to be "a new trial of a defendant who, we repeat, is presumed in law to be innocent," and suggested a cautious and fact-based reporting style to avoid contempt of court or risk of prejudice to the future trial.
A jury was selected on 14 November 2011, and the trial, presided over by Mr Justice Treacy, began the next day at the Central Criminal Court. With the prosecution led by Mark Ellison QC, the case centred on the new forensic evidence and whether it demonstrated the defendant's involvement in the murder, or was the result of later contamination due to police handling. On 3 January 2012, Dobson and Norris were found guilty of Lawrence's murder. The two were sentenced on 4 January 2012 to detention at Her Majesty's Pleasure, equivalent to a life sentence for an adult, with minimum terms of 15 years and 2 months for Dobson and 14 years and 3 months for Norris. Time spent on remand by Dobson was not deducted from his minimum term to ensure his existing sentence for drug-related offences was served. The judge's sentencing remarks were later published in full online.
The judge stated that the sentences reflected the fact that Dobson and Norris were juveniles (Dobson 17, and Norris 16) at the time of the offence, which took place before the Criminal Justice Act 2003; the starting point for the minimum term was therefore 12 years. The judge acknowledged this was "lower than some might expect". A similar crime committed in 2011 as an adult would have justified a sentence with a starting point of 30 years for the minimum term. (This is occasionally misreported as 25 years, the starting point for "bringing and using a weapon"; murder with racial motive incurs a higher 30-year starting point.)
Immediate aftermath of trial
Following the 2012 convictions, Paul Dacre, Daily Maileditor since 1992, issued a comment on his 1997 headline decision.
I don't think it's an exaggeration to say that if it hadn't been for the Mail's headline in 1997 —'Murderers: The Mail accuses these men of killing'—and our years of campaigning, none of this would have happened. Britain's police might not have undergone the huge internal reform that was so necessary. Race relations might not have taken the significant step forward that they have. And an 18-year-old A-Level student who dreamed of being an architect would have been denied justice. The Daily Mail took a monumental risk with that headline. In many ways, it was an outrageous, unprecedented step.
On 5 January 2012, it was reported that the Attorney General was reviewing the minimum terms at the request of a member of the public, to determine whether he believed them to be "unduly lenient", and if so whether to apply to the Court of Appeal for an increase in the minimum terms. Juvenile minimum life sentences in a 2000 review (i.e. before the 2003 act passed into law) varied from a "most common" minimum of 10 years to a maximum of 20, placing Dobson and Norris in the middle of that range. On 1 February 2012, the Attorney General announced that he would not be referring the sentences to the Court of Appeal, as he believed that "the minimum terms [were] ... within the appropriate range of sentences".
On 30 January 2012, it emerged that Norris and Dobson were seeking leave from the Court of Appeal to appeal against their convictions.
On 23 August 2012, it was reported that Norris and Dobson had lost the first round of their appeal. On 15 March 2013, it was announced that Gary Dobson had dropped his appeal against his murder conviction.
Other inquiries and investigations
The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry (published as "The Macpherson report")
On 31 July 1997, the Home SecretaryJack Straw ordered a public inquiry, to be conducted by Sir William Macpherson and officially titled "The Inquiry Into The Matters Arising From The Death of Stephen Lawrence". Its report, produced in February 1999, estimated that it had taken "more than 100,000 pages of reports, statements, and other written or printed documents" and concluded that the original Metropolitan Police Service investigation had been incompetent and that officers had committed fundamental errors, including: failing to give first aid when they reached the scene; failing to follow obvious leads during their investigation; and failing to arrest suspects. The report found that there had been a failure of leadership by senior MPS officers and that recommendations of the 1981 Scarman Report, compiled following race-related riots in Brixton and Toxteth, had been ignored.
Detective Superintendent Brian Weeden said during the inquiry that mistakes had been made in the murder investigation, including his own ignorance that he could have arrested the suspects four days after the killing simply on reasonable suspicion, a basic point of criminal law.
The report also found that the Metropolitan Police was institutionally racist. A total of 70 recommendations for reform, covering both policing and criminal law, were made. These proposals included abolishing the double jeopardy rule and criminalising racist statements made in private. Macpherson also called for reform in the British Civil Service, local governments, the National Health Service, schools, and the judicial system, to address issues of institutional racism.
The report was criticised at the time by Michael Gove (later Secretary of State for Education and Lord Chancellor) in The Times, who said, "The tendentious reasoning and illiberal recommendations of that document have been brilliantly anatomised by the ethical socialists Norman Dennis and George Erdos and the Kurdish academic Ahmed al-Shahi in the Civitas pamphlet Racist Murder and Pressure Group Politics."[clarification needed]
Public complaints about mishandling of case
In 1997, Lawrence's family registered a formal complaint with the Police Complaints Authority (PCA), which in 1999 exonerated the officers who had worked on the case of allegations of racism. Only one officer, Detective Inspector Ben Bullock, was ordered to face disciplinary charges for neglect of duty. Bullock, who was second in command of the investigation, was later found guilty of failure to properly brief officers and failure to fully investigate an anonymous letter sent to police, but he was acquitted of 11 other charges. Four other officers who would have been charged as a result of the inquiry retired before it concluded.
Bullock retired the day after his punishment was announced, so that it amounted to a mere caution. Neville Lawrence, Stephen's father, criticised the punishment, saying that Bullock was "guilty on all counts." However, a spokesperson for the Metropolitan Police Federation stated that Bullock had been "largely vindicated" in the proceedings.
On 10 March 2006, the Metropolitan Police Service announced that it would pay Duwayne Brooks £100,000 as compensation for the manner in which police had handled his complaints about their actions toward him after the murder.[clarification needed]
Concerns and inquiries of alleged police corruption and undercover officer conduct
Investigation into police corruption (2006)
On 25 July 2006, the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) announced that it had asked the Metropolitan Police to look into alleged claims of police corruption that may have helped hide the killers of Lawrence.
A BBC investigation alleged that the murder inquiry's Det. Sgt. John Davidson had taken money from known drug smuggler Clifford Norris, the father of David Norris, a chief suspect in the investigation. Neil Putnam, a former corrupt police detective turned whistleblower, told a BBC investigation that Clifford Norris was paying Mr Davidson to obstruct the case and to protect the suspects. "Davidson told me that he was looking after Norris and that to me meant that he was protecting him, protecting his family against arrest and any conviction," Putnam said. Davidson denied any such corruption.
The Metropolitan Police Service announced that it was to open up a special incident room to field calls from the public, following the BBC documentary The Boys Who Killed Stephen Lawrence. The Independent Police Complaints Commission later stated that the claims made in the programme were unfounded.
The need to re-establish trust between minority ethnic communities and the police is paramount... seeking to achieve trust and confidence through a demonstration of fairness will not in itself be sufficient. It must be accompanied by a vigorous pursuit of openness and accountability.
— Sir William Macpherson, Macpherson Report
On 17 December 2009, Independent Police Complaints Commission investigators and officers from the Metropolitan Police's directorate of professional standards arrested a former police constable and a serving member of Metropolitan Police staff on suspicion of attempting to pervert the course of justice by allegedly withholding evidence from the original murder inquiry, the Kent investigation and the Macpherson inquiry. Dr Richard Stone, who sat on the Macpherson inquiry, commented that the panel had felt that there was "a large amount of information that the police were either not processing or were suppressing" and "a strong smell of corruption". Baroness Ros Howells, patron of the Stephen Lawrence Charitable Trust, agreed: "Lots of people said they gave the police evidence which was never produced." On 1 March 2010 the IPCC announced that "No further action will be taken against the two men arrested following concerns identified by the internal Metropolitan police service (MPS) review of the murder of Stephen Lawrence" and the two were released from bail.
Revelations about undercover police conduct (2013)
On 23 June 2013, an interview with Peter Francis, a former under-cover police officer, was published in The Guardian. In the interview Francis disclosed that while he was working undercover within an anti-racist campaign group in the mid-1990s, he was constantly pressured by superiors to "smear" the credibilities of the family of Lawrence so as to put an end to campaigns for a better investigation into Lawrence's death. After the revelation, Theresa May, the UK's home secretary pledged to be "ruthless about purging corruption from the police", and Prime Minister David Cameron ordered Police to investigate the allegations, saying of them that he was "deeply worried about the reports".Chief Constable Mick Creedon, who is leading Operation Herne, an ongoing inquiry into Metropolitan policeundercover operations against protest groups, said he would investigate the allegations as part of the inquiry. In October 2015 an inquiry was set up by the National Crime Agency to investigate allegations that members of the police force shielded the alleged killers.
The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review (2014)
Following the 2012 convictions, further inquiries by both Scotland Yard and the Independent Police Complaints Commission ruled that there was no new evidence to warrant further investigation. After discussions with Doreen Lawrence, Home Secretary Theresa May commissioned Mark Ellison QC to review Scotland Yard's investigations into alleged police corruption.
The report, titled "The Stephen Lawrence Independent Review", was presented to Parliament on 6 March 2014. Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police said the report, which prompted an inquiry into undercover policing, was "devastating". Ellison's report also showed that there was substantial evidence linking an alleged corrupt police officer with involvement in the murder of private investigatorDaniel Morgan.
Legacy and recognition
An annual architectural award, the Stephen Lawrence Prize, was established by the Marco Goldschmied Foundation in association with the Royal Institute of British Architects in Lawrence's memory.
His mother, Doreen Lawrence, said, "I would like Stephen to be remembered as a young man who had a future. He was well loved, and had he been given the chance to survive maybe he would have been the one to bridge the gap between black and white because he didn't distinguish between black or white. He saw people as people."
In 1995 a memorial plaque was set into the pavement at the spot where he was killed on Well Hall Road. The plaque has been vandalised several times since then.
In 1999, Nicolas Kent designed a documentary play based on the trial, called The Colour of Justice. It was staged at the Tricycle Theatre and was later filmed by the BBC. It was also performed at the Guildford School of Acting for the 20th anniversary of the murder.
On 7 February 2008, the Stephen Lawrence Centre, designed by architect David Adjaye, opened in Deptford, south-east London. A week later, it was vandalised in an attack that was initially believed to be racially motivated. However, doubt was cast on that assumption when CCTV evidence appeared to show one of the suspects to be mixed-race.
The Stephen Lawrence Charitable Trust is a national educational charity committed to the advancement of social justice. The Trust provides educational and employability workshops and mentoring schemes. It also awards architectural and landscape bursaries. In 2008 the Trust, with architects RMJM, created the initiative Architecture for Everyone to help promote architecture and the creative industries to young people from ethnic minorities.
In October 2012, Doreen Lawrence received a Lifetime Achievement Award at the 14th Pride of Britain Awards.
On 31 July 2013 it was announced that Doreen Lawrence was being made a baroness and given a seat in the House of Lords, where she will sit on the Labour benches as a working peer specialising in race and diversity.
In the media
Daily Mail journalist Stephen Wright has written about the Lawrence case, both before and subsequent to the prosecution. He was awarded a Special Campaign Award as part of the 2012 Paul Foot Award for his work in the Lawrence case.
Novelist Deborah Crombie uses the turmoil following the Stephen Lawrence murder as a flashback setting in her 2017 book, The Garden of Lamentations. The story includes police officers who were undercover on both sides of the protests, as well as widespread corruption for years afterward. Crombie includes an explanation of the murder in her Author's Note at the end of the book, but specifies that the rest of the characters are not meant to represent actual people.